Welding Government

Despite the escalating social and economic crisis in Sri Lanka, the focus of the government and other forums these days is on two issues that are politically motivated. The first is the 21st Amendment. The second is the abolition of the executive presidency. While the dialogue on the abolition of the executive presidency is not new, it is safe to say that it is an expression of the dishonesty and fraudulent political nudity of Sri Lanka's political leaders as well as parties. Both Chandrika and Mahinda, who succeeded Jayewardene as executive president, promised to change that system. But it cannot be said that a sincere effort was made for that. After Mahinda became President in 2010, another amendment was added to it. Its purpose, which was added to the Constitution as the 18th Amendment, was to give Mahinda the opportunity he needed to hold that position again. But he lost the 2015 presidential election. The well-governed government led by Maithripala, who became the President, took steps to amend the executive presidency. However, due to political tensions between the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and President Maithri, the amendment process was unsuccessful. Nevertheless, there were a number of positive amendments introduced by it. The 20th Amendment, passed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa's brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa in 2020, has once again created a super president who goes beyond the Jayewardene system.

Welding Government Binding21

The special statement made by Prime Minister Ranil on May 29 was also the subject of a discussion on the abolition of the executive presidency by the 21st Amendment. In fact, in his analysis, Prime Minister Ranil pointed out that such a reform should be made without delay to stabilize the country politically. He argued that parliament needed a legal framework, including financial power, to resolve the issues. But some who responded to him also said that the main focus of the country today should be on a way out of this economic catastrophe. Some have questioned whether this sudden transfer of power to a parliament with a majority of MPs who are insensitive to people's issues could be a meaningful move. Anamaduwe Dhammadassi Asgiri Thera also endorsed Justice Minister Wijayadasa, who endorsed Prime Minister Ranil's view. He also said he did not agree with the abolition of the executive presidency. The main opposition party, S. J. The 21st Amendment has been described as a weak one. In particular, they argued that the provisions contained in the 19th Amendment should be included in 21 in the same way. Transfer of Ministries to the President J. B. Not approved. Of course, the political reforms proposed by the government cannot be ruled out. But it should also look at the message it sends to the people as well as to the Galle Face protesters demanding new socio-political reforms. Our position here is that while political stability is essential, we must also pay close attention to the escalating economic and social crises. The vast majority of people in this country today go to bed (there are those who suffer in the queues everyday) with a sense of uncertainty about tomorrow. The people are not at all responsible for that uncertain confusion. We can also point to the arrogance and hegemonic mentality of the rulers, which many see as the basic evil of this government, as a major cause of this economic catastrophe.

The development of a country means that the people of that country can be provided with at least some basic needs. Food, shelter, and clothing are those basic necessities. In addition, health facilities are mandatory. Without it, people would not ask for ham, bacon, meat, meat, cheese, butter, etc. If anyone asks what political reforms are being done to a country where these helpless people are queuing up, wet, dehydrated, we have no answer to give. Although Sri Lanka has been described as a democratic socialist republic, it is questionable to what extent those features have been preserved today. The United Front government (SLFP, LSSP, Communist Alliance) which came to power in 1970 declared the country a republic by the 1972 constitution. The Constitution of the Republic, which came into force on May 22, 1972, was repealed by the English Act, which had been in force since 1948. Certainly Article 72 of the Constitution is a historic step in a valuable political transformation. May 22 marked the 50th anniversary of the Republican Constitution. Even though we call ourselves Sri Lanka and become a socialist, democratic republic, it does not mean that its political meaning is complete. In 1978, J.W. R. The republican constitution drafted by Jayewardene has created a dictatorial regime with a democratic cover that gives the ruler of the country exclusive powers. There was no need to repeal Article 72 in six years. In fact, Jayewardene should have ruled to amend the weaknesses of the constitution. The 1978 Constitution, which was hastily adopted by the people in 1977, hastily passed, glorifying the sovereignty of the people. It is a false disguise to empower a political party and elevate its leader like a Sakvithi king. It is no secret that Jayewardene wielded executive power not only in the legislature but also in the judiciary with a mindset of overthrowing governments.

I think the Rajapaksas, who retreated in 2015, came to power again in 2020 and acted on Jayewardene's example. Everyone knows how the 20th Amendment was passed to give the President super power again in addition to their mandate of 69 lakhs. It has been argued in court that the supreme body of this country does not want dual citizens. Geetha Kumarasinghe lost her seat accordingly. But today it is acknowledged that the Rajapaksas passed the 20th Amendment on behalf of their brother. Moreover, how harsh is the criticism leveled against Basil Rajapaksa who was brought into the government with that permission? Neither the president nor the former prime minister has a voice in the relentless criticism of Basil as the villain who destroyed this country. The President, who says that removing Mahinda from the post of Prime Minister is the most difficult decision he has ever taken in his life, has not commented specifically on Basil or Chamal. After all, there is no Rajapaksa other than the President who plays an active role in governance today.

It is also a travesty of fate that President Gotabhaya today has to pass the 20th Amendment, which he passed for himself and his family, and pass the 21st Amendment. It is certain that the reason for this was the pressure and opposition from the battlefield of Galle Face. The Rajapaksa regime's failure to give the country any economic and political gains strong enough to face that pressure and opposition fearlessly led to their downfall. The Parliamentary Committee on Finance and the Committee on Business have confirmed that the terrible economic catastrophe facing the country today is the result of the reckless and arbitrary actions of the Rajapaksa regime. Criticisms of the finance ministers as well as the president, who have made the Central Bank a political quagmire, cannot be ruled out. At the same time, this regime is responsible for the decline of the agricultural sector. In short, the majority of the people today have to pay unjust compensation for the government's actions with economic and agricultural assassins. It must be said that the Rajapaksa regime did not hesitate to continue the political game started by Jayewardene. Today the concept of democracy and the rule of law or a just and just society in this country is only superficial. In a society where democratic values ​​are being eroded, justice can only be done today by the judiciary. There are commendable reports on the independence of the judiciary. People salute the courage of the Supreme Court today to investigate the activities of a President. It is true that the democratic value system began with the French Revolution and spread to the West and America. But some people forget that we got these concepts because of the Buddhism gifted by King Ashoka and the moral system that grew with it. The Dharmasoka principle is that the state is a trust.

The past few decades can be seen in the way in which Jayewardene and the Rajapaksas who followed him were delighted with their majority in Parliament. Can it be said that our Constitution does not mock this democratic system of values? The devastation wrought on this country by its followers who were blinded by political misguidance and power is immeasurable. Today there are allegations of a breach of the law. Recently, the IGP said that the Sri Lankan police had been swallowed up by politics. The thinking of Jayewardene and Mahinda echoes the swan song of the decline of the value system given to us by Eastern culture. The allegation that both the 1972 and 1978 constitutions disregarded these traditions cannot be refuted. But it must also be said that the 72 had a certain system of national and cultural values. It is imperative today to establish those lost democratic traditions on the rule of law. It is a clear change today that the legal community in Sri Lanka has realized that social responsibility. Today we are seeing signs of a serious judiciary that cannot be shaken by the executive as well as the legislature.

Not all of the social values ​​that have been preserved for over 2500 years have been destroyed. But the people are now realizing the decline that took place after the then state administration became the current politics. The system of government confirmed to us by the Mahavamsa and the Rajavali is very clear. It is based on law and justice. Instead of selfishness, altruism was its great virtue. Those rulers who built tanks, dagobas and temples by human labor and made the country self-sufficient never hesitated to press their name anywhere. But today there is also a shameless practice of hanging the surnames of the rulers on every project that receives public money as public debt. This bad habit is also happening today for a small road being built locally. Although there are inscriptions and legends about the services of kings in those days, it is clear that they were very humble announcements. This distorted mentality must be corrected today. A civilization is built only on the basis of civilized and virtuous doctrines. Modern civilization rejects otherwise civilizations. The Galle Face Youth Struggle demands a new rain of that new civilization.

Thus, meaningful and profound political reforms are essential for our people. Such a positive political transformation is also needed to remove the various germs that linger in the Sri Lankan mind. The utopian belief that a leader who gains power temporarily can do anything is now shattered. The President who is in charge of the fate of the people today is a person who has been approved by 69 lakhs of people. His prime minister is a man who lost his mandate, which was rejected by the people of the Colombo district. But the 1978 constitution endorses his position. Today, the two have taken a proactive approach to political reform. It can be argued that this is a distorted feature of our parliamentary politics. It is also true that intellectual and youth socio-political circles reject this. With the 21st amendment, the Gotabhaya-Ranil operations room could also go into crisis. Pohottu has already raised opposition to the 21st Amendment. Pohottu's former ministers are also there. This means that Pohottu's hope is to maintain the old program again. These protesters seem to have soon forgotten how the Rajapaksa regime's henchmen set the country on fire. They forget that an innocent Member of Parliament who came for the journey also paid with his life. They want to launch their corrupt, wasteful activism with Ranil or whatever.

Sri La. Deputy ප. Secretary General Dayasiri also directly says that this is a welding government formed by taking advantage of individual parties and appointing ministers.

Some call the 21st Amendment a hoax caught up with the Rajapaksas. There is also criticism that it is a fake plan for the Rajapaksa family. We need to understand the constitutional limitations shown by Minister Wijayadasa. But there have been no clear cuts or restrictions on the president's powers and interventions. Another group of pohottu may be appointed as state ministers tomorrow and the day after tomorrow. What happens then is that you go round and come back to where you were? This is not the time for a referendum or a general election. But there is no impediment to setting a time frame for the proposed 21. At first glance, the 21st Amendment seems to be an action that the Rajapaksas can agree on, as mentioned above. The proposals to limit the powers of the President to 20 to a certain extent and to appoint Audit and Procurement Commissions should also be appreciated. But at the same time, the shortage of fuel, gas, medicine and food that people are suffering must be addressed immediately. The economy and agriculture should be facilitated, especially for this Yala season. It does not matter to the people at this time whether the power is vested in the President or Parliament. They ask for help for hunger and sickness. It is not an appeal, it has become a popular voice to overthrow bureaucracy, including this political faction. Political stability is not something that can be achieved by appointing a bunch of cabinet and state ministers. People have no faith in any of that. The government must focus on a process of economic and political reform that is acceptable to the international community as well as to the people of this country.